Friday, June 19, 2026

Outcomes vs process: Elon Musk

 


https://amgreatness.com/2026/06/15/elon-musk-vs-the-democrats-outcomes-vs-process/

Elon Musk vs. the Democrats: Outcomes vs. Process

Years ago, when my oldest son was a Boy Scout, he was asked to write a report/make a presentation on a modern American “hero.” He chose Elon Musk, and I, of course, rolled my eyes so hard they nearly popped out of my head. I knew Musk was a successful businessman, but I also knew that he was both an advocate for and a seasoned manipulator of Big Government. Tesla, for example, received a $465 million Department of Energy loan in 2010 under the Advanced Technology Vehicles Manufacturing program, a Big Government scheme to encourage private companies to advance Big Government priorities (namely, fighting Climate Change by reducing carbon emissions). Likewise, Tesla was, at least at the time, commercially viable only because of the more than $1 billion ($7,500/vehicle) in federal EV tax credits claimed by its buyers. Without government greasing the proverbial wheels a bit, Tesla would have struggled to get the literal wheels rolling out the sales floor doors. Moreover, Musk publicly acknowledged that he voted for Obama and presented himself as part of the “green” business revolution, men and women who could and would “do well by doing good.”

My, how things change.

Just a short decade later, Elon Musk is, indeed, regarded as a genuine hero by most on the American political Right—and by anyone who favors free enterprise—while he is loathed and actively derided by his former friends and allies on the Left. Especially this past week, after the SpaceX IPO made him the world’s first trillionaire, the Democrats and other leftists who once loved him, partnered with him, and sang his praises loudly have shown nothing but contempt for him and hatred for his inarguable business success. As the controversial Democratic Senate nominee from Maine, Graham Platner, ominously put it, “Elon Musk just became the world’s first trillionaire. Let’s make sure he’s also the last.”

How, exactly, did we get here?

The biggest part of the story is Musk’s own political evolution, which proceeded slowly, in stages, but was accelerated at a handful of inflection points. Of these inflection points, two stand out among the others.

The first of these took place during President Biden’s first year in office. Biden and his administration were knee-deep in pushing a new, far more aggressive climate agenda. On his first day in office, Biden issued 17 executive orders, several of which addressed climate change and other environmental matters. Most notably, he signed an order to reinstate the nation’s participation in the Paris Accords, thereby placing a policy-making emphasis on electrification and decarbonization. A big part of that effort—as would be evinced in the “Inflation Reduction Act” passed the following year—was pushing the purchase of electric vehicles. To that end, on August 4, 2021, Biden hosted an EV “summit” at the White House. He invited three EV makers—General Motors, Ford, and Stellantis—to watch him sign another executive order, this one mandating that half of all new vehicles sold in the United States by 2030 be EVs. Of the three, GM had the largest percentage of its sales derived from fully electric vehicles—1.5 percent. Ford sat at 1.3 percent, and Stellantis didn’t even have an electric vehicle for sale in the American market. Meanwhile, Tesla was the nation’s largest EV auto seller at the time, and 100 percent of its vehicles were fully electric. Yet Musk and his company were left off the Biden team’s guest list.

What GM, Ford, and Stellantis did have, of course, was the support of the United Auto Workers Union. In fact, the three also just happened to be the largest UAW employers. Tesla, by contrast, had long fought the unionization of its factories and had been embroiled in a rather ugly dispute with the UAW. In response to the snub, Musk vented a bit, tweeting:

Biden held this EV summit. Didn’t invite Tesla. Invited GM, Ford, Chrysler, and UAW. EV summit at the White House, didn’t mention Tesla once and praised GM and Ford for leading the EV revolution. Doesn’t it sound a little bias? It’s not the friendliest of administrations. Seems to be controlled by the unions.

Just under a year later, Musk reached the second inflection point, which also turned out to be his breaking point. In May 2022, the S&P 500 ESG Index conducted its annual rebalancing. And when it did, it removed Tesla. ESG stands for “environmental, social, and governance” investing, a strategy that purports to push corporations to address issues beyond traditional profits and losses, focusing on the broader societal impacts of their operations. I wrote a whole book about ESG (The Dictatorship of Woke Capital) in which I made the case that its flaws are numerous and disqualifying. One of the most significant of these is that ESG has no set definition. It means whatever its practitioners decide it means in the moment, based on little more than preference and convenience. And this is precisely where the S&P’s index ran into problems with Tesla.

By any objective measure, Tesla should have been a mainstay of any investment strategy focused on environmental benefits. It was and is a pioneer in carbon reduction strategies in the personal transportation market. What could be more environmentally friendly than that? The S&P, however, objected to Tesla’s procedural strategies, or lack thereof. It argued that Tesla didn’t have a published “low-carbon strategy,” or verifiable “codes of conduct.” It noted that the automaker had been accused of racial discrimination and didn’t do a great job of handling a National Highway Transportation Safety Administration (NHTSA) investigation. In short, the ESG index tossed the innovator in “E” technology off its list of acceptable companies because it valued the process of the ESG strategy more than it did the outcomes.

Needless to say, this incensed Musk. On May 18, he (once again) tweeted his frustration:

Exxon is rated top ten best in world for environment, social & governance (ESG) by S&P 500, while Tesla didn’t make the list! ESG is a scam. It has been weaponized by phony social justice warriors.

Not coincidentally, two and a half hours later, Musk returned to Twitter to make an announcement about his partisan political future:

In the past I voted Democrat, because they were (mostly) the kindness party. But they have become the party of division & hate, so I can no longer support them and will vote Republican. Now, watch their dirty tricks campaign against me unfold . . .

It is worth noting here that Musk didn’t just switch parties. He radicalized. His change in partisan affiliation and political involvement was night and day. He went from a quiet, nominally aligned center-leftist to a full-blown, aggressive libertarian-conservative. Instead of giving $1,000 here and $1,000 there to Democratic candidates, he started throwing money into politics as if he’d never miss it (in part because he never would). He backed Donald Trump with millions of dollars and then joined his administration (for free) as the leader and organizer of DOGE. The combination of the union-driven and the ESG-driven snubs sent him over the edge. Not only would he no longer support Democrats, but he would support their opponents loudly and generously.

Although it would be easy (and not entirely wrong) to say that Elon Musk’s political evolution was a self-inflicted wound by the Democrats, who enthusiastically chased him out of their party, it’s more accurate to say that the break between the two was a structural inevitability. That inevitability was inarguably exacerbated and hastened by Democratic overconfidence and miscalculation, but that’s the difference between Musk simply leaving the party and becoming radicalized for the other side. Musk’s shift away from Democratic politics was likely always going to happen and is emblematic of the long-standing tension between so-called “progressives” and actual progress. The ideology that once sought explicitly to “better” the nation and its people has become little more than a machine for creating rules, often at the expense of that improvement. Musk’s fervent embrace of the Democrats’ opponents was driven by personalities—theirs, his, and probably Trump’s.

Think about it this way. The Progressive coalition traditionally has very much resembled the S&P ESG index noted above. It has always been carefully managed, regulated, labor-friendly, bureaucratic, and procedure-driven. It has always been more about process than outcome. Musk, for his part, is the opposite. He is disruptive, as capitalist entrepreneurs tend to be. He favors that which moves fast, eschews established rubrics, and achieves results. He is outcome-driven and cares very little (sometimes, maybe, too little) about process. The idea that he and today’s Democrats could have remained strongly aligned is, in retrospect, incongruous.

That’s not to say that he and the GOP are perfectly aligned, but certainly his ethos fits better there, at least for the moment.

The bottom line here is that while process values have their place, they can be self-defeating, particularly when they are allowed to serve as a substitute for experience and reality.

The Democrats don’t hate Elon Musk because he’s a trillionaire. They hate him because he became a trillionaire by breaking all their dearly held and largely outmoded rules.

There’s a profound lesson in that, if anyone is willing to learn it.


AI in warfare

By the time these articles are published, the technology has already advanced.



https://www.wsj.com/world/ai-warfare-ukraine-russia-anthropic-29945df9?mod=hp_featst_pos5

AI Warfare Is at the Point of No Return. What Now?

Between a new executive order, a clash with Anthropic and high-tech wars, the U.S. is stumbling into an AI arms race that the world is struggling to control


June 19, 2026 12:00 pm ET

Ukrainian drone maker Oleksiy Babenko knows that supercharging his weapons with artificial intelligence opens a Pandora’s box of killer robots. But the chief executive of startup Vyriy sees an even worse choice.

“Either robots will kill us in 50 years, or the Russians will kill us in a year,” he told a recent gathering of AI-arms makers in Kyiv. 

Of all the fields AI is upending, few have deeper ramifications for humanity than its role in warfare. Advanced algorithms have quickly swung from playing a supporting intelligence role to acting as agents of death. 

“Future combat will be largely robotic. It will be automated,” former Google Chief Executive Eric Schmidt, who now invests in military-drone companies, said recently on stage at an expo. “It will be controlled by the laws of war.” 

Schmidt’s robot prediction draws little dispute. Less certain is whether last century’s rules can handle warfare’s future.

The war in Iran and AI advances have driven home the dizzying implications of military automation for Washington—and for civilians everywhere. The White House is racing to hammer out policies while the tech world and moral authorities chime in. The cacophony is yielding more questions than answers. 

President Trump this month issued an executive order on AI in national security that calls for aggressive use of the technology but requires it to operate “in accordance with applicable laws, government policies, and guidance.” 

The order, which directs the Pentagon to update AI rules adopted only three years ago, sought to bring clarity just as the administration amped up a fight with AI leader Anthropic, whose systems the Pentagon uses. That fight exploded in January over who gets to limit applications of AI in combat and surveillance, and escalated over the weekend. 

“The combination of AI and autonomous weapon systems demands an entirely new approach to risk analysis, risk mitigation, and risk acceptance,” said retired U.S. Air Force Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan, who led the Pentagon’s first big AI application, Project Maven.

Throughout history, innovations including gunpowder, chemical weapons and airplanes have repeatedly rewritten rules of combat. Only the atomic bomb sparked a civilizational dilemma comparable to AI. And as with nuclear weapons, militaries have entered an automation arms race along a path they can’t foresee. 

Now, with algorithms controlling not just weapons but entire military networks, humans are ceding wartime judgment to machines on an unprecedented scale. What’s even more worrisome to many: Armed forces are making up the rules as they go along.


Maven’s Legacy

AI entered combat in 2017, when Shanahan’s team used it to nab ISIS bombers attacking U.S. forces in Iraq. Maven’s success leveraging algorithms to scan reconnaissance images proved AI’s potential. Then efforts went quiet as the U.S. pulled back from foreign wars. 

Around 2023, drone makers supplying Ukrainian forces ramped up development of AI to lock onto targets, while commanders began to weave it into targeting systems. Israel, after the Hamas militant attacks that October, tapped AI to sift through mountains of intelligence. The Pentagon, meanwhile, deployed AI-based systems to streamline decision-making. China and Russia have also incorporated AI into military systems.

Today, AI-guided weapons can autonomously home in on objectives a controller picks. That selection generally happens when weapons approach a target, involving a few drones with limited firepower. 

Soon, though, swarms of drones will independently cross great distances by air, water or land to hunt down and strike targets without human intervention. And targets won’t necessarily be on a battlefield.

Killing isn’t AI’s only military assignment. Its role is ballooning across all the less-visceral chores that militaries tackle, particularly in giving priority to intelligence for selecting targets. U.S. commanders say they are selecting targets at more than 10-fold the tempo in Iraq. In the Ukrainian National Guard’s Khartia Corps, automation has tripled the pace of missions, said its top drone engineer.

As warfare automation increases, its use is being guided more by battlefield objectives than by codified rules of engagement. At one extreme, Russia is deliberately targeting Ukrainian civilians with both cutting-edge and traditional weapons, seeking to sow terror that no digital regulations will curtail. 

Ukraine, in contrast, lacks resources and wants to maximize each strike’s pain for the Kremlin, meaning collateral damage is often wasteful. For Kyiv, AI can boost efficiency.

At a Ukrainian drone unit called Lasar’s Group, where soldiers hunt high-value Russian targets on AI-enhanced computer images, the new technology is just another tool, said a seasoned pilot who goes by the call sign Sid.

“I understand that I’m setting fire to a vehicle with a crew inside,” said Sid. He isn’t bothered that automatic systems keep targets in his drone’s deadly clutches.

“It’s still a person who presses the button,” he said. “It’s a person who decides whether to activate the system or not.”

That role—dubbed “the person in the loop”—is at the crux of fears about combat automation. Where in the loop is that person? What role do they play? Can they keep pace with computers? 

Technology is advancing so rapidly that even the term itself has morphed into “the person on the loop”—a monitor more than a link in a digital chain.

Concerns over human interactions with AI this year prompted Anthropic to seek explicit Pentagon guarantees that its systems wouldn’t be used for mass domestic surveillance or autonomous weapons, sparking administration backlash. 

Pentagon officials say fears are misplaced because weapons aren’t fully autonomous—and letting technophobia hamstring commanders’ use of AI poses a bigger risk.

“You always have the human who will analyze the situation” and make battlefield judgments on safety and tactics, said Defense Department Chief Digital and AI Officer Cameron Stanley, at the AI+Expo, a recent technology jamboree in Washington organized by a foundation created by Eric Schmidt. 

“The most dangerous course of action right now is to stand still and to remain in a human-driven world,” Stanley said. “The one thing that I am very worried about in war is trying to minimize mistakes.” 


Humanity in War

International Committee of the Red Cross legal adviser Noa Schreuer isn’t sold. Standing in the AI expo’s trade-show hall, amid displays from Amazon.com, Meta and Microsoft, she questioned safety precautions for automated weapons.

“Would an autonomous drone abort a mission on its own, for example if a child enters the target area?” she asked.

Schreuer was staffing the Red Cross stand—the expo’s buzz-kill. Across its mock battle zone spread a big green sign reading “Humanity in War.” On one faux demolished concrete slab hung a poster-sized page from the Geneva Convention, with rules on protecting civilians. On another hung a fake traffic sign for drone operators reading: “Don’t Outsource Your Authority/Maintain human control and judgment.”

Child deaths in AI-age war aren’t an abstract ethical question. Early in U.S. attacks on Iran this year—as Pentagon officials boasted how new technology was letting them identify and hit targets faster than ever before—Iranian authorities accused the U.S. of striking a school, killing more than 160 people, many of them children. The Pentagon is investigating whether U.S. forces hit the school, which sits near an Iranian military compound, and whether AI was involved.

Automated targeting systems have drawn suspicion, and murkiness around their use means they risk getting blamed no matter what happened. If AI systems offered up the school as a target, investigators must understand what went wrong. If targeters didn’t consult their AI tools, which can instantly scan troves of intelligence, questions will focus on why they didn’t—and whether technology could have helped avoid the civilian deaths.

Israel’s use of AI has drawn similar suspicion, when local media in 2024 alleged that the military was using automated systems to select targets with minimal human oversight and in violation of existing international law, killing large numbers of civilians. The military denied the allegations and issued a detailed defense, saying the systems, code-named Lavender and The Gospel, “are merely tools” for intelligence.

They “do not replace the intelligence analyst,” the Israeli military said. 

But even if AI doesn’t supplant intelligence analysts, can it influence them, or soldiers and commanders? 

That question vexes former Royal Netherlands Air Force Apache attack helicopter pilot Roy Lindelauf, who is now a professor of data science in the department of intelligent systems of Tilburg University. Working from a converted 19th century Dutch locomotive-assembly hall, he and colleagues are trying to mesh this century’s technology with military thinking from the last one. 

“There are so many levels to decision-making,” and how AI figures into them isn’t well understood, said Lindelauf, who also teaches at the Netherlands Defense Academy. 

One concern: People tend to trust what computers tell them, a phenomenon known as automation bias that is being reinforced by lifelike and apparently authoritative digital interfaces. “Even if AI is only a tool, how the human mind works should be taken into account to address biases,” he said. 

In other words, while we think we’re controlling AI, it may actually be controlling us. 

Designing responsible AI was the focus of a report former Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof launched at the U.N. General Assembly in September. The Netherlands in 1899 hosted a watershed conference, on Laws and Customs of War on Land, that laid the foundation for modern laws of war.

How AI fits into those aging rules puzzles commanders. Estonian defense adviser Eva Sula works with military leaders across the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, who pepper her with questions nobody can answer. A common one: If I make a mistake because of AI, who is responsible?

“A war crime in the digital space? No country can prosecute it,” said Sula. “They don’t have the laws.”


Human and Machine

For now, many practitioners are improvising. 

Ukraine accepts battlefield risks linked to AI because “the ethical framework is just now being developed,” said Danylo Tsvok, chief executive of the Defense Ministry’s AI warfare center, A1.

Ukraine’s fighters are learning automation’s limits amid combat’s unpredictability, said a serviceman who is part of a team developing AI tools to analyze reconnaissance more quickly. AI can’t yet respond to unconventional situations, he said, and for now “waging war is an art—intuition.”

Stanley, the Pentagon digital and AI officer, said he wants to account for the mistakes that humans and machines can each make alone: “What I am trying to implement is the best human-machine team possible.”

But AI experts foresee surging capabilities and are worried. Pope Leo recently issued an encyclical on AI that built on the work last September of a panel of Nobel laureates, tech specialists and other luminaries the Vatican had assembled. They offered principles and red lines, including a plea that “AI systems must never be allowed to make life-or-death decisions, especially in military applications.” 


Iran outcome June 2026

 


I get why so many people are frustrated or skeptical about this Iran MOU. On paper, it looks like a massive compromise: $300 billion in unfrozen assets, a fixed schedule to lift sanctions, and immediate oil export waivers for Tehran. But what were we expecting when on one side, Trump is facing an apocalyptic regime that wants the world to burn and on the other, an American public that has no stomach for war? He played the cards that were actually on the table. I’m sick and tired of the politicians and podcasters who bitch and complain no matter what Trump does. They scream that the war has to stop, but the second he stops it, they turn around and yell, "what kind of deal is this?!" If the goal is to actually end Iran’s regime, history shows there's only one model that works: total WWII-style defeat, occupation, and denazification. That requires American boots on the ground and an Iranian people ready to build a free country from the rubble. But NO ONE, myself included, wants boots on the ground. Is this MOU what Trump wanted? I doubt it. But he did exactly what a leader of a Republic should do: he listened to the people and found a way to end this. A dictator would have kept on going. At the end of the day, a president can only go as far as the people will carry him. Right now, our appetite for war stops at the gas pump.



JD Vance just gave the clearest breakdown of the Trump vs. Obama Iran deal distinction I've heard. Here it is — the Gulf State test: The Gulf Coast Coalition loves this deal. They hated the Obama deal. Why? They thought Obama made Iran stronger. They think Trump makes Iran weaker. Vance: "They know more about this, and they have more to lose than anybody, including the USA. So I trust their judgment." The negotiating position: Obama in 2015: Iran has a sophisticated nuclear program. Let's bribe them with American money to stop it. Trump in 2026: We already destroyed your nuclear program. Promise not to rebuild it, and you get some sanctions relief. One is negotiating from fear. The other is negotiating from rubble. The substance: "The Obama nuclear deal allowed enrichment, ours will not." "The Obama deal allowed the accumulation of stockpiled weapons-grade material, ours is actually leading to the destruction of that stockpile of enriched material." "The Obama deal gave them over a billion dollars of American money. This deal gives them $0 of American money." Bottom line from : "We're coming at it from a position of strength, and the fact that our gulf coast partners love this deal."


🚨 WOW! An "AVALANCHE" of oil is about to surge into the global markets, tankers are RUSHING through the Strait of Hormuz, and oil is now $74 per barrel Keep going, President Trump is about to be proven right about oil going WAY down after the Iran war ends





Outcomes vs process: Elon Musk

  https://amgreatness.com/2026/06/15/elon-musk-vs-the-democrats-outcomes-vs-process/ Elon Musk vs. the Democrats: Outcomes vs. Process Elon ...